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House
Select Committee on Assassinations
Investigation of the
Assassination of
Martin Luther King, Jr.
From:
http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/crim/mlk/part1.htm

Volume
1, pp. 1-39
Investigation
of the Assassination
of Martin Luther King, Jr.


MONDAY, AUGUST 14, 1978
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
SELECT COMMITTEE ON ASSASSINATIONS
Washington
,
D.C.
The committee met at 9:06 a.m., pursuant to notice, in room 2172, Rayburn House
Office Building, Hon. Louis Stokes (chairman of the committee) presiding.
Mr. Chairman, the witness we are now about to call, with your permission, is Dr.
Ralph Abernathy. Dr. Abernathy was a close associate and personal friend of Dr.
King. He is presently pastor of the
West
Hunter
Street
Baptist
Church
in
Atlanta
. He was formerly financial secretary-treasurer of the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference and later elected vice president at large of SCLC and the
designated successor of Dr. King. When Dr. King was assassinated, Dr. Abernathy
became president of SCLC.
Mr. Chairman, it would be appropriate to call Dr. Abernathy.
Chairman STOKES. Thank you. The committee now calls Dr.
Abernathy.
Would the witness please stand and be sworn?
Dr. Abernathy, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you will give before
this committee is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Dr. ABERNATHY. I do.
Chairman STOKES. Thank you. You may be seated. And on behalf of
the committee, Dr. Abernathy, it is indeed a pleasure and an honor to welcome
you here this morning and to receive your testimony. For purposes of that
testimony, the committee now recognizes Mr. Charles Mathews, special counsel to
the committee.
Mr. MATHEWS. Good morning, Dr. Abernathy, welcome.
Testimony of Dr.
Ralph Abernathy
Dr. ABERNATHY. Good morning, Mr. Mathews, and members of the
committee, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. MATHEWS. Dr. Abernathy, how long have you been associated
with the SCLC?
Dr. ABERNATHY. I have been associated with the Southern
Christian Leadership Conference since its inception, and that was in January
1957.
Mr. MATHEWS. Previous to that, were you also associated with
the Montgomery Improvement Association?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; I organized the Montgomery Improvement
Association on December 2, 1955.
Mr. MATHEWS. What was the purpose of both those organizations,
that is, the Montgomery Improvement Association, and SCLC, which followed?
Dr. ABERNATHY. The purpose of the Montgomery Improvement
Association was to integrate the buses of
Montgomery
, the capital of the great State of
Alabama
. As you know, in 1955 and prior thereto, the city buses in
Alabama
and across the
Deep South
were segregated. And in
Montgomery
, we had a system where the first 10 seats on every bus were reserved for white
passengers and Black persons could not even occupy these seats on a temporary
basis. Several Black women had been arrested and brutalized and mistreated on
the buses and finally, on December 1, 1955, Mrs. Parks, Rosa Parks, was
arrested; and the next morning, on the second, Mr. E.D. Nixon informed me of
this arrest and asked me if I would not do something about the situation, and I
called together the Black pastors and leaders of the city of Montgomery in order
that we might organize a bus boycott, that is, to refuse to ride the buses for a
2- or 3-day period, in order that we might gain three things: No. 1, more
courtesy on the part of the bus drivers; No. 2, a change in the seating policy,
for Blacks beginning in the rear and whites beginning in the front, and wherever
the two groups met, of course, this would be the dividing line. And second -- or
third -- the employment of Black drivers on predominantly
Black bus routes. However, none of these were granted, and our bus boycott
stretched over a period of 381 days in an attempt really to integrate city
buses.
However, let me add that in the beginning we were merely seeking an improved
form of segregation; that is, if you can have any such things as an improved
form of segregation, on the buses.
Mr. MATHEWS. Did there come a time, however, Dr. Abernathy,
when that particular stage was completed and you then formed the Southern
Christian Leadership Conference; is that not correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is correct. Our movement spread to other
cities, like Tallahassee, Fla.; Birmingham, Ala.; and all across the South,
because we were using a new technique, one that had never been tested in America
before, and that was nonviolent direct action; and this had been so very, very
effective until other communities had adopted it, and we were being called, Dr.
King and myself, to come to these various cities, so we decided we would
organize the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
Mr. MATHEWS. For what purpose?
Dr. ABERNATHY. For the purpose of redeeming the soul of
America
through nonviolent means. We gathered in Atlanta, Ga., and, of course, had a
preliminary session, and, of course, during that very night my home was bombed
and the church that I pastored was dynamited, and this interrupted the
proceedings, and I had to return to Montgomery with Dr. King; and we did not
complete the organizational process until a month later, which was really in the
spring of 1957, in New Orleans, La., for the purpose of redeeming the soul of
America, and this encompassed not just the integrating of the buses but dealing
with many other problems.
Mr. MATHEWS. You mentioned you and Dr. King. That leads me to
another line of questioning. When did you first meet Dr. King?
Dr. ABERNATHY. I met Dr. King first in 1951. I was student at
the university studying for a master's degree in sociology, and I heard of this
very young, able, gifted, articulate preacher of the gospel, following the style
of the Apostle Paul, and I went over one Sunday to hear him preach in the
Ebenezer
Baptist
Church
, and I was greatly impressed with him. I met him at the close of the worship
service and we exchanged briefly some chat and conversation and, of course, over
the summer we had a very brief acquaintance. However, he soon returned to Crozer
Theological Seminary, and I completed my work and returned to my alma mater,
Alabama
State
University
, where I accepted a teaching position. We did not meet again until the spring
of 1955 when Dr. King came to Montgomery to try out, or to preach, an initial
sermon at the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, a daughter church of the First
Baptist Church, which I was pastoring, and, of course, he had the responsibility
of bringing along my guest, Dr. Vernon Johns, who was his predecessor, who had
formerly pastored the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church. He had to bring him to my
home because Dr. Johns had hitchhiked a ride to Montgomery with Dr. King and, of
course, Dr. King accepted my wife's invitation to have dinner with us, and this
was the beginning of a friendship, a very close association, that ended only on
April 4, 1968, when he died in my arms in the St. Joseph Hospital in Memphis,
Tenn.
Mr. MATHEWS. Dr. Abernathy, your testimony is that you first
met Dr. King in 1951. How would you describe your relationship with Dr. King
from 1951 through the date of the assassination?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, I would describe it as having been one of
the closest relationships that has ever existed between two individuals. I think
I would have to say that I know of one other friendship, as I study history,
that was likened unto ours, and that was the friendship of Jonathan and David.
We were the dearest of friends. He said this many times from platforms. In the
last speech that he made, he made it very clear by saying that I want the Nation
and the world to know that the dearest and closest friend I have in the world is
Ralph David Abernathy. I felt the very same way about him. The last meal that he
ate in the world, we ate it from the very same platter together. We always
shared the room whenever we traveled. We were just inseparable. We were the
dearest of friends.
Mr. MATHEWS. Going back again, Dr. Abernathy, from 1955 through
1968, could you describe Dr. King's role in the various stages of the civil
rights movement in that period?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, I would say that the first stage was a
stage in which we sought to do away with the whole evil of an unjust system of
segregation in this country, whereby Blacks were denied their constitutional and
God-given rights; where they had to ride in the back of the bus; they had to sit
in the balcony of the theater; they had to ride up in the front of the train.
This contradictory, unjust system, this evil system of segregation manifested
itself first in our attempts to destroy it through the
Montgomery
bus boycott and through the struggle in
Birmingham
,
Ala.
, which took place in 1963. Once we had solved the question of segregation and
we had won the right to ride anywhere we chose to on the buses, to live in
hotels and motels of this country, we then moved to another level, and that is
to exercise our most basic and democratic right as American citizens: the right
to vote; and this was manifested and seen very clearly in the Selma
demonstration which culminated in the march from Selma to Montgomery, a 50-mile
journey, where several individuals lost their lives, like Mrs. Viola Liuzzo, and
Rev. James Reeb and Jimmy Lee Jackson. This would have been, in my estimation,
the second stage of the King era, the King campaign. And then I would say that
the third era of the King campaign had to do with the whole question of
international problems or the peace movement. This is when he exercised a great
deal of courage and came out against the ungodly senseless war in Vietnam and
made very clear the fact that nations must not lift up sword against nation, the
philosophy of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, that followed to its
ultimate conclusion, would end up with a blind society and a toothless
generation. This, of course, caused a great deal of concern, interest, and made
for him a great deal of enemies, for there were those who believed that it was
all right for Dr. King to lead a nonviolent protest, to integrate the lunch
counters, but they did not believe that he should have a voice in foreign policy
or foreign affairs.
The fourth and final stage, Mr. Counselor, in my estimation, as I look back at
his life and as I will describe it more clearly in my book in the very near
future, has to do with Dr. King's crusade for economic security on the part of
Blacks and whites, and is seen very clearly in his organizing for the poor
people's campaign, and in the midst of that organizational process the striking
sanitation workers in Memphis, Tenn., sent out the Macedonian call for Dr. King
to come and give aid and assistance and help in that struggle.
Dr. King realized that it was not enough to eat at lunchcounters, to live in
hotels and motels, and yet at the very same time, once you checked in without
difficulties, you suffered great difficulties checking out, because you don't
have a job, you do not have the income that is necessary, you realize that it
was not enough to have the right to vote, to be able to once again send Black
men and women to the Congress of the United States, unless that was buttressed
by economic power. He realized that it was not enough for men of various nations
of the world to coexist and to cease fighting and killing one another, but he
felt that the most basic need for Blacks and poor whites in this country was to
enjoy the blessings of this land -- and I call it economic security, jobs and
income -- because he realized that everybody would not be able to work but that
it is the responsibility of the Government to provide adequate income for those
who are too old to work, for those who are unable to work, and for those
individuals who are too young to work, and for those individuals whom the
country, the Nation, does not train or prepare for work. So, I call it jobs and
income.
A guaranteed annual income is what I called for before a congressional committee
last Wednesday when I was here in
Washington
.
Mr. MATHEWS. It is fair to say that, when the
Memphis
sanitation workers' strike started, which occurred in February of 1968, SCLC,
Dr. King, and yourself, had already begun to focus on the economic issues of the
day; is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, that is correct. We were organizing the
poor people's campaign and we really had to interrupt our organizational
process.
Mr. MATHEWS. Did Dr. King see the
Memphis
sanitation workers' strike as an opportunity to put that new stage into effect?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, I think that Dr. King's main concern was
really at that point to help the poor, because this massive poor people's
campaign where we were going to bring the poor, and eventually I did bring the
poor, from all across the Nation. Black and white, brown, red and yellow, to
Washington
, would dramatize the whole situation and we would expose poverty. The man was
such a great man, he was such a good man, he was such a sensitive man. When he
heard the cries of striking sanitation workers, garbage workers, who could not
get a decent wage in Memphis, Tenn., he altered his plans, and finally, we, as a
staff in SCLC, decided that we were coming to Washington with a poor people's
campaign but we were coming by the way of Memphis, Tenn.: that is, we were going
to straighten out Memphis before we dealt with the Nation.
Mr. MATHEWS. Do you recall who invited Dr. King to
Memphis
the first time, on March 18, 1968, when he gave his speech at the Mason Temple?
Chairman STOKES. Would counsel suspend for a moment?
I am requesting that the photographers who are seated in front of the witness
table and who are continuing to take photographs of Dr. Abernathy, to remove
themselves from that area. If there are any further photographs you want of the
witness, you have 15 seconds to take them, and then remove yourselves.
The Chair has no objection to your remaining in the room, but we think this
testimony is extremely important to the committee and I am sure this is
distracting to the witness.
Thank you. You may resume, counsel.
Mr. MATHEWS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me repeat my question, Dr. Abernathy.
Do you recall who invited Dr. King to speak in
Memphis
on March 18, 1968?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; I recall very well. It was Rev. James
Lawson, who was then the pastor of the
Centenary
United
Methodist
Church
and the Rev. Ralph Jackson, the director of the minimum salary department of
the African Methodist Episcopal Church. These two ministers along with Rev.
Billy Kyles had organized a citizens group to support the striking sanitation
workers, and they had brought in several national speakers of prominence, like
Mr. Roy Wilkins, Mr. Bayard Rustin, and some others, and finally, they came to
that period and moment when they really wanted to bring in the best that we had,
one that would really pack and fill the Mason Temple Church of God and Christ
building that would seat some 12,000 or 13,000 persons, and, of course, they
invited Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., to come in. As I have already stated, we
were in the process of organizing for the poor people's campaign, and, of
course, Dr. King went at a great sacrifice to our cause. Realizing that our
cause was merely a cause for the betterment of mankind, he decided that he was
going to go to
Memphis
.
Mr. MATHEWS. So his purpose in going on March 18, 1968, was
mainly for the purpose of giving a speech in support of the strike; is that
correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is correct.
Mr. MATHEWS. Do you recall where Dr. King stayed on his first
visit on that date?
Dr. ABERNATHY. I believe it was the Lorraine Motel. We made all
of our visits, through
Memphis
and into
Memphis
, and all of our stops were at the Lorraine Motel.
Mr. MATHEWS. I am sorry, go ahead.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; because the days of segregation had just
come to a close and still you encountered some difficulties in registering at
some of the motels and hotels and we felt very much at home at the Lorraine
Motel. Much of our work of organizing for the poor people's campaign, counselor,
had taken place in the State of
Mississippi
. The whole idea had been conceived in
Mississippi
. And the way we were going to
Mississippi
was to fly into
Memphis
and then, of course, we would be met and driven down to Marks, Miss. This was a
much more direct route than flying into
Jackson
. As you know, there were very few airports large enough at the time to
accommodate the large jets out of
Atlanta
.
Mr. MATHEWS. Just on the Lorraine Motel point, then it was not
unusual for Dr. King or members of SCLC to stay at the Lorraine when they had
business in Memphis; is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is correct.
Mr. MATHEWS. You had stayed there in the past; is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; we had a standard room there.
Mr. MATHEWS. Let me see if I can summarize your testimony
briefly, Dr. Abernathy. Dr. King was invited to
Memphis
on March 18, 1968, by Reverend Lawson and other members of the
Memphis
community group.
He gave a speech that night at the Mason Temple; is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That's correct.
Mr. MATHEWS. There came a time when he decided to return to
Memphis
again, not just to give a speech, but to lead a march; is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, it was really to give a speech and to lead
a march.
Mr. MATHEWS. Will you describe briefly how that event occurred;
that is, the decision to return to
Memphis
and lead a march on March 22, 1968?
Dr. ABERNATHY. We had really made no definite commitment to
Memphis
,
Tenn.
's striking sanitation workers. Dr. King had been invited merely to speak and,
of course, upon the second invitation, we had gotten up as far as New York and
New Jersey in organizing for the poor people's campaign and after having had a
very, very successful date on that Wednesday, Dr. King did not want to leave New
Jersey because he wanted very much to go to Paterson, so he asked that I would
go and make the speech on that Wednesday evening at Mason Temple Church. And, of
course, he would join me the next morning. He would take a flight out of
New York
early the next morning and come to
Memphis
where we would lead the march.
But he would not be present at the rally. So, after some, persuasion, I decided
that I would go to
Memphis
and deliver the speech, which I did. There were some 10,000 or 12,000 persons
there throughout.
Now, on that evening, I was the guest of the Municipal, County, and State
Employees Union, headed by Mr. Jerry Wurf, and they had a room for all of their
guests in the Peabody Hotel; this is the old, downtown established hotel in
Memphis
.
Mr. MATHEWS. So, you stayed in the
Peabody
?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; because it is unionized. This was the
argument that they gave.
Mr. MATHEWS. That morning, did you travel to the airport and
pick up Dr. King?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; the next morning, of course, as usual,
through the courtesy of a funeral home in Memphis and Rev. Solomon Jones, the
driver, I was picked up and taken to the airport to meet Dr. King, and from
there, we went to the Clayborn Temple A.M.E. Church and the Minimum Salary
Building of the A.M.E. Church, and we could not follow our usual custom of going
in the church workshopping the marchers on our nonviolent technique and
gathering from them their knives, whatever they had, which would keep them from
becoming violent in case they might be attacked, became there were so many
people outside and there was a restlessness within the crowd.
There were large numbers of young people who appeared to be very, very
cooperative, yet, they were restless and anxious to actually move and to get
going with that march.
Mr. MATHEWS. So, was the decision made by yourself and Dr. King
to proceed with the march on the 28th of March?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; and in consultation with local leaders we
decided the best thing to do was to really get the march started so that we
would not face what we had faced here in
Washington
where the people were here, the leaders were supposed to be out front, and the
people were ready to march.
So we thought it would be best to really get the march started, and we moved
down
Beale Street
, a very famous street in
Memphis
, and turned into
Main Street
. It was then that these young men, there were some Black men in the march who
began to pat us on the back and congratulate us and tell us how great we were
and how blessed they were to have us in Memphis, and then we would hear smashing
seemingly of windows and then it became very clear to us that windows were being
broken and that violence had broken out on this march and Dr. King signaled Rev.
James Lawson to come to him with his bullhorn and he said violence has broken
out on this march: I will never lead a violent march, so, please call it off.
And Reverend Lawson called the march off.
At that very moment, the Memphis Police and State troopers appeared with their
tear gas and began to fix their helmets, and, of course, at that point, someone
stopped the last car that they permitted to cross
Main Street
and asked that we might use the car to take Dr. King out of the crowd.
Of course, Rev. Bernard Lee, myself and Dr. King were put in this car. Reverend
Jones drove the car down to the
Riverside Drive
with the aid of two motorcycle cops. And once we were here, they wanted to know
what hotel we wanted to go to, and, of course, I suggested the
Peabody
because that's where I had spent the night before. They said they could not get
to the
Peabody
because violence had broken out, the city had been tear gassed and it was
impossible to cross
Main Street
.
Then Dr. King said, "Well, to the Lorraine Motel, and they said,
"Well, that's even worse. We cannot get to the Lorraine Motel, but we will
take you to a hotel, and they took us to the Riverdale.
Mr. MATHEWS. Was that the Rivermont?
Dr. ABERNATHY. The Rivermont, maybe that's it; the Rivermont
Holiday Inn. We had never been there before, but I guess they had radioed ahead
because they were expecting us. They had a suite ready. We were taken directly
to the suite with two bedrooms and a living area, and it was there that we heard
over the news that a curfew had been called for by the mayor of the city.
No one was permitted on the streets. A young Black man had been killed and Dr.
King was greatly, greatly disturbed. It was the most restless night. It was a
terrible and a horrible experience for him. I had never seen him in all my life
so upset and so troubled by the fact that violence had broken out on his march.
This was the first time that we had ever experienced any violence from our
ranks. Certainly, violence had been inflicted upon our demonstrators, but never
before had any of our demonstrators perpetrated any violence, defensive or
aggressive, upon anyone and naturally, he was concerned about his image across
the country and they were giving him a tough time about Vietnam, at that time,
of course, the press was very, very familiar with him.
No longer was he a novelty and they were writing editorials that were not too
complimentary and, of course, Dr. King was greatly disturbed by all of this, and
this was a horrible evening.
Mr. MATHEWS. Did he make the decision at that time to return to
Memphis
to lead a nonviolent march or was that decision made later?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; that decision was made later.
Mr. MATHEWS. When?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That decision was not made until Saturday. The
march had taken place on Thursday. The night of which I speak of that was such a
painful night was a Thursday night.
Mr. MATHEWS. That was March 28, 1968.
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is correct.
Mr. MATHEWS. Did the decision you speak of occur on March 30,
1968, which was a Saturday?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; that is correct. That decision was made by
the executive staff of the conference.
Mr. MATHEWS. What was that decision?
Dr. ABERNATHY. If I may just back up a little, just let me say
that, on Friday morning, Dr. King had called for a press conference and, of
course, I guess he fell asleep around 5 or 6 o'clock. I permitted him to sleep
once he had finally gone to sleep, and a group of young men came to the hotel--
Mr. MATHEWS. This is at the Rivermont on Friday the 29th of
March?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; they came and asked if they could see Dr.
King. Of course, I told them that he was resting and he needed to rest. Then
they identified themselves as members of the Invaders and said they were the
people responsible for the violence, that they had dropped out of the ranks of
the march and broken windows and then taken refuge back in the march.
I readily recognized many of them because these were the young men who were
patting us on the back; they were young Black men saying how wonderful it was
that we had come to Memphis to help them and they said that they were very, very
disturbed because the young man who had been killed in the violence was a member
of their group, and they wanted to make that confession to Dr. King, and it was
at that point that I went in and told him what they wanted to do, and he said,
"Well they will just have to make it to you, which will be all right."
He said, well, you can take the confession. I am going to get up now and get
ready for the press conference."
And, of course, they did make that confession, and we talked about, it, and en
route to the press conference, he stopped briefly and heard what they had to
say.
Of course, we went on to the press conference and, strangely enough, the lion,
as I like to call it, in Dr. King came out in his press conference. He was a
very courageous man, yet, he was a very meek and humble man, but he would always
rise to any occasion, and it was at this point that he really mastered that
press conference, as we walked in and said this would not be just an ordinary
briefing, but it can be a press conference, it may be on the record or off the
record, ask whatever questions you want to ask. He did not use his aide,
Reverend Lee, to begin the conference.
He did it all himself. It made me so very proud of him. Once we were back in the
room, I just had to express the joy after such a painful night, and he said,
"Well, David, what I want you to do now is get me out of
Memphis
; get me to
Atlanta
." And of course, we took the first flight available to
Atlanta
. He wanted me to go with him to the health club at the YMCA. I thought it was
more important that I go show myself to my wife and let her know that I was
still alive and unharmed in spite of what the press may have said. I wanted her
to see with her own eyes. So I went home and it was from the health club that he
called me.
Mr. MATHEWS. Dr. Abernathy, let me stop you briefly here. Can
you relate to us briefly what occurred at the meeting on March 30? Was some
decision, made at that point in time to return to
Memphis
by SCLC staff and Dr. King?
Dr. ABERNATHY. OK, you want me to skip the other?
Mr. MATHEWS. Yes; I do.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you. We decided eventually that we were
going to
Washington
with the poor people's campaign; we were going by the way of
Memphis
, Tenn. Dr. King was not present at the time that the decision was made. The
executive staff, Rev. Hosea Williams, Rev. Jesse Jackson, now Ambassador Andrew
Young, myself and Rev. Bernard Lee and just the full executive staff was present
when the decision was made.
Since I was the vice president of the organization, they asked me if I would
please contact the president -- I knew where he was -- and inform him that they
wanted to see him; they wanted to convey to him themselves their feelings.
Of course, I contacted him and finally, he came after about 2 hours. I wanted to
tell you how depressed he was. I thought it was important you know that. But I
guess you have, that entered in the record some place.
Mr. MATHEWS. Yes, sir.
Dr. ABERNATHY. He was very, terribly depressed; a depression
that I had never experienced before and had never seen. He was back in this
shell. And, of course, he finally came after about 2 hours, and the staff
informed him of their decision to go to
Memphis
. They gave the outline that he was to preach the next Sunday morning at the
Washington Cathedral here and certain staff persons would go to Memphis and been
workshopping the people on Sunday, and others would go in on Monday and Dr. King
and myself were to come in on Tuesday.
Mr. MATHEWS. So, there came a time, then, on April 3, 1968,
when you and Dr. King arrived in
Memphis
, is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. We didn't go into
Memphis
until on Wednesday.
Mr. MATHEWS. That was April 3,1968, Wednesday?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Wednesday, that's right.
Mr. MATHEWS. Did you stay at the Lorraine Motel that day?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; we did.
Mr. MATHEWS. That night, did Dr. King give a speech that has
now become known as the "mountaintop speech" at the Mason Temple?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Surely, he gave it. As you know, there were
tornado warnings in
Memphis
and a great deal of rain. He had asked me to give the speech that night, but
once I got there, I discovered there was a large press and all the television
cameras. I knew they wanted to hear what the most peaceful warrior of the 20th
century had to say. So, I called him and asked him if he would please come and
he assured me he would come and make the speech that evening and, of course, I
introduced him and then he made the famous speech, that longevity certainly has
its virtues, that every man would like to live a long life, but so far as he was
concerned, it didn't matter any more. All he wanted to do was to do the will of
God because he had been to the mountaintop and he had viewed the promised land
from afar and that he might not get there with the people, but eventually one
day, his people would get to the promised land and, of course, he closed with,
"Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord."
It was a marvelous speech. It was a moving speech. Many people thought that he
had a premonition or maybe some knowledge which he had received through letter
or telephone that something was going to happen.
Mr. MATHEWS. You say many people. You were his closest friend.
What do you think?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, think he had received some word.
Mr. MATHEWS. A premonition?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; I just think he had received some word from
some source that he was going to be assassinated.
Mr. MATHEWS. But you have no knowledge?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; I have no knowledge.
Mr. MATHEWS. Dr. Abernathy, let me take you directly now to
April 4, 1968, the day of the assassination, and the most important aspect of
your testimony here today.
Could you describe from approximately 4 o'clock onward the sequence of events
that occurred on that day?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, about 4 o'clock, thereabouts, the
telephone rang in the room, and I answered the phone and it was Dr. King saying
to me:
David,
I want you to come down to the room, come down to my brother's room, A. D.'s
room. I would like for you to come down and be with us.
And, of
course, I went down and he told me about the lengthy conversation which they had
held with his mother over the telephone and how pleased she was that A. D. was
there with him.
Of course, we had this dinner engagement at the home of Rev. and Mrs. Billy
Kyles. And, of course, he wanted to know the menu so he asked me if I would call
and find out since Dr. King is not a man for eating a lot of broccoli and
asparagus and cauliflower.
He liked good food. You know, soul food. And so I did call Mrs. Kyles and talked
with her about her menu and repeated it so he knew exactly what was being
served.
And finally, she got around to the good soul food she was going to have also. He
was very pleased to know that, and then we went back to the room, to our room
where he shaved and we talked about some things.
I revealed to him the fact that I would not utter it in the meeting, but I could
not come to
Washington
for the poor people's campaign preparatory committee 100, on the date which we
had agreed in the meeting. I would not say that in the meeting because I didn't
want to make any lengthy discussions or anything of that nature, but I bad a
revival service in my church and it was totally impossible for me. Flo said,
"Well, David" -- always called him Michael, by his real name, and he
always called me David, by my real name. He said:
David,
I wouldn't think of going to
Washington
without you. We have got to get that revival rescheduled and we must find a
preacher.
Of course,
we attempted to call the preacher in
New Orleans
who could have done the job to my satisfaction, because I didn't have time to
promote it. And, of course, the pastor was away with his bishop out in the rural
and there was no telephone. Of course, we never did get through on that one.
So then, he turned to me and he said:
Well,
if I know that you are the pastor of the greatest church in
America
, had not you accepted that church, I was going to leave my father and go and
pastor to the
West
Hunter
Street
Baptist
Church
.
He said:
Those
people will do anything you tell them. And I want you to go to the West Hunter
Church and tell them that you have a greater revival, you have a revival where
you are going to revive the soul of this Nation, where you are going to cause
America to feed the hungry, to have concern for those who are downtrodden and
disinherited; you have a revival where you are going to cause America to stop
denying necessities to the masses only to give luxuries to the classes.
He said, "If you will do that, I'm sure that
West
Hunter
Street
Church
will understand and we can go ahead with this campaign."
He said, "Give me your promise and give me your word that you will not let
me down."
I said, "Well, I will do it. We have been together so far, and there is no
need for us to separate now."
And, he said, "Are you ready?" And I said, "Yes," and we put
our coats on and we started out of the motel room. Just as we got in the door, I
said, "Wait just a moment, let me put on some aftershave lotion," and,
of course, he said, "OK, I'll stand right here on the balcony." And,
of course, before I could get the lotion up on my face, I heard what sounded
like a firecracker.
Naturally, I jumped and, of course, I then looked and I could see only his feet.
Had he fallen directly back, he would have fallen right in the room, right in
the door, but the bullet was so powerful, it twisted his body and he had fallen
in a kind of kitty-cornered fashion and, of course, I rushed out immediately.
I heard the groans of the people in the courtyard who had hit the ground and, of
course, I stepped across him because the bullet had entered his right cheek and
I patted his left cheek, consoled him and got his attention saying, "This
is Ralph, this is Ralph, don't be afraid."
Someone from the Community Relations Service came crawling bringing me a pillow
and a blanket. I put it under his head and covered him with it. I stayed with
him in the ambulance. I helped put him in the ambulance. I stayed with him in
the operating room. I helped to give him the oxygen with the attendant on duty
en route to the hospital.
I was there when the physician said to me that it would be a blessing, it would
be an act of mercy, if he did pass because the bullet had really entered the
cheek and then it had moved and severed his spine and then it had come down in
the chest. This is where once they cut the clothing off, there was a hole big
enough in his body for me to put both my fists, which I had not seen before
until they cut off his clothing, and so forth.
And he said he would be a vegetable had he lived the rest of his life; he would
be paralyzed from his neck down. And finally, he came over to me and said again
that the person who just left was the neurosurgeon.
Of course, he had shaken his head as he walked out. He said, "I doubt that
anything will be done." Of course, I went over; I said, if I might go over.
He said I could. I went over and that was the end.
It happened 1 hour from the time that he was shot.
Mr. MATHEWS. Mr. Chairman?
Chairman STOKES. Yes.
Mr. MATHEWS. I have no further questions of the witness.
Chairman STOKES. Dr. Abernathy, let me express our appreciation
for the testimony you have just given us.
I guess, in a very sobering way, you have helped all of us once again realize
the meaning of the life of Dr. King and the civil rights movement in this Nation
of which you are one of the great leaders, also.
The committee will now operate under the 5-minute rule and with unanimous
consent the Chair would like to out of order recognize the distinguished
gentleman from
Tennessee
, who represents the district in which Dr. King was assassinated, as the first
member to question the witness.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Tennessee
, Mr. Ford.
Mr. FORD. Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman, Dr. Abernathy, at
the outset may I extend my personal welcome to you and express my appreciation
for your appearance here today. Unfortunately, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was
assassinated in the city where I was born and raised. The people of the city of
Memphis
were as much a victim of this shocking American tragedy as was Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr., and with your permission, may I ask a few questions?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes, sir, I will be delighted to answer. May I
ask does it mean that you and I have only 5 minutes now?
Mr. FORD. I don't think so.
Chairman STOKES. It means this, Dr. Abernathy: Under the
5-minute rule each member of the committee will have 5 minutes in which to
question you, and I have to recognize the next member, and, of course, the
committee can at its discretion continue under the 5-minute rule as they so
desire, so the member can always come back to you again.
Dr. ABERNATHY. I See.
Mr. FORD. Dr. Abernathy, what was. Dr. King's attitude toward
security and police protection?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Dr. King felt very strongly that there was a
higher power of security and a greater police power. He really did not rely nor
did he trust the police power in this country. He knew that in the
Deep South
that the sheriffs, who were all white, and the police chiefs, who were all
white, and the various majority of the police, who were all white, were against
him. He knew that the FBI was against him and could not be trusted. He knew that
the CIA was against him and could not be trusted. That is, hotel rooms had been
bugged and that he had been under surveillance by the police. So the police and
security was looked upon really as an enemy rather than a force of good, and he
refused to own a gun or to permit anyone on his staff to carry any guns for his
own protection. He felt that the most powerful force in this country, and in the
world, is nonviolence and that one could protect himself with nonviolence more
effectively than he could with weapons.
Mr. FORD. Dr. Abernathy, during the period of late 1967 and
until his untimely death in 1968, was the life of Dr. Martin Luther King
threatened?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; he was constantly threatened. He
suffered many, many, many threats; many, many threats in Montgomery, Ala.,
threats in Atlanta, Ga., and all across the country where he lead movements and
where he went to speak. Of course, there were threats. And even on the day,
which would have been April 3, we took a plane out of
Atlanta
,
Ga.
We sat on this airplane for 1 hour with no explanation from the captain or the
pilot or any of the officers or the stewardesses, and finally the pilot said,
after an hour:
Ladies
and gentlemen, I want to apologize for the delay but today we have a
distinguished person on this plane: Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. We wanted to be
very, very careful so we had the plane guarded all night last night and then we
checked every piece of luggage in order that we might not have any bombs
exploding, because if Dr. King is to be killed, we don't want to be killed also.
or some words to that effect.
So he was constantly getting threats, many of them through the mail, over the
telephone, some of it was in person, as in Selma, Ala., a man came up and struck
him as he attempted to register at a downtown hotel where no Blacks had ever
lived before.
Mr. FORD. To your knowledge, was the Federal Bureau of
Investigation aware of these threats?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; they were aware of them. We would
report some of them. We did not report all of them because it became very
apparent to us that tie FBI had no intention of doing anything about them. You
see, so many members of the FBI were Southerners, racist Southerners, white
Southerners, and because you take a racist white man and put an FBI badge on
him, that does not change their thinking in their heart one bit, it just makes
them Federal personnel.
Also we knew Mr. Hoover's attitude, who was then the head of the FBI Department.
He had called Dr. King the most notorious liar in the country, and I visited Mr.
Hoover and I knew his attitude toward Dr. King, and we would report for the
record many of these threats and nothing was done about it. We didn't see any
investigations taking place, nonetheless, for the sake of the record we would
report some of them.
Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. FORD. Mr. Chairman. I would ask unanimous consent to
proceed for an additional 10 minutes.
Chairman STOKES. Without objection, the gentleman is
recognized.
Mr. FORD. Dr. Abernathy, did Dr. King ever allow his own
personal safety to interfere with his divine mission to provide equal rights for
all people?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; he certainly did not. He was always
concerned about equal rights for all people, and his personal safety became
secondary. This is not to suggest at all that he wanted to become a martyr. He
loved life and he wanted to live but his commitment to the cause of Christ --
this is what I call it, you may call it something else -- his commitment to the
American dream, was much more powerful and much more forceful than his own
personal safety.
Mr. FORD. What was his position regarding his own personal
safety?
Dr. ABERNATHY. 0h, yes; they were aware of them. We would
report my battles; that truth crushed to the earth will rise again, and that if
a man has not discovered something that he is willing to die for, then that man
is not fit to live. He also felt that freedom is costly and that there would be
no freedom unless there is suffering and sacrifice, but he believed at the very
same time that there was power in redemptive suffering.
Mr. FORD. Dr. Abernathy, to your knowledge, did the Memphis
Police Department and the Memphis Office of the FBI have any information
regarding the many threats made upon the life of Dr. King? The
Memphis
Office of the FBI and the Memphis Police Department?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes, the Memphis Office of the FBI had some
knowledge of some of the threats because some threats had been made in
Memphis
,
Tenn.
, and the police department in
Memphis
. This is seen very clearly by the fact that each time that we went into
Memphis
there were two Black detectives who were assigned to us while in the city of
Memphis
.
Mr. FORD. In view of the plane being searched in Atlanta and
the many possible implications arising therefrom, and in view of the Memphis
Police Department and the Memphis Office of the FBI being not only aware of the
threats on Dr. King's life but also that he was en route to Memphis, what police
protection outside of these two police officers was given Dr. King when he
arrived in Memphis on April 3, 1968?
Dr. ABERNATHY. None.
Mr. FORD. Having made reference to the FBI, to your knowledge,
was Dr. King acquainted with its then Director, J. Edgar Hoover? You made
statements Mr. Hoover made in regards to Dr. King. Was Dr. King acquainted with
him? Had he ever met with him or talked with him or spoken with him about the
threats personally?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; he had met Mr. Hoover and he had talked
with Mr. Hoover.
Mr. FORD. Do you have any opinion as to whether or not the FBI
through its Director, Mr. Hoover, harassed and thereby attempted to impede the
objectives of Dr. King? If so, explain.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, impede in the sense of seeking to destroy
one's morale or esprit de corps or kill one's spirit. I don't know of them
seeking to block any march or any demonstration but to impede by bugging our
hotel room and sending your wife a tape, which are supposed to have been some
activities that may have taken place in your hotel room; to know that you are
under surveillance; that there is somebody on every plane that you traveled
there with you, naturally this would impede in some way, but I don't know of Mr.
Hoover or the FBI standing in our way anywhere where a march was concerned or
preventing us from going to jail if we sought to violate a law that we
considered to be an unjust law.
Mr. FORD. Did you or your staff have any information which
might lead you to believe that the Director, Mr. Hoover, was communicating
orders pertaining to Dr. King directly, verbally, and unofficially into the
Memphis
area prior to the April 4 assassination?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; I do not have any information on that.
Mr. FORD. Dr. Abernathy --
Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. FORD. One last final question, Mr. Chairman.
Dr. Abernathy, prior to Dr. King's coming to Memphis and indeed at any time
before his assassination, did you, or to your knowledge Dr. King, or anyone on
his staff. know that the official in charge of the Memphis Police Department was
a former FBI agent who served 8 of his 25 Years with the Bureau as inspector in
charge of the personal office -- and I repeat, sir -- in the personal office of
Mr. Hoover, the Director of the FBI?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; we did not know that.
Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired. The
gentleman from
Ohio
, Mr. Devine.
Mr. DEVINE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I hope from the questioning thus far that this doesn't turn into a trial of the
FBI rather than trying to fulfill the mandate of the Congress to determine
whether or not Mr. Ray was alone, or whether as the person charged with having
committed this offense, was involved in a conspiracy. That is the objective.
Dr. Abernathy, we appreciate your being here this morning, and in connection
with your earlier testimony about being in the room that you apparently shared
with Dr. King and putting the face lotion on as he went onto the balcony, you
heard what you thought was a firecracker.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes.
Mr. DEVINE. Do you know who was on the balcony with him at that
time?
Dr. ABERNATHY. There was nobody on the balcony with him.
Mr. DEVINE. Was he alone and in front of the door of the room
that you were occupying?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; he was alone.
Mr. DEVINE. And you emerged when you heard the noise and Dr.
King had fallen? I believe you said his body twisted slightly around the corner
of the room there, in the area way?
Do you know who was immediately below in the parking lot looking up toward where
Dr. King was?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; there were several persons, many persons in
the courtyard just below.
Mr. DEVINE. Any specifically that you can identify?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Rev. Solomon Jones, the driver, Rev. Jesse
Jackson, Mr. Ben Branch, Ambassador Andrew Young, Rev. Bernard Scott Lee. These
were all staff members of SCLC. Representative Hosea Williams, State
representative.
Mr. DEVINE. I know that vast confusion occurred immediately
following this tragic event. Do you recall any of the persons down there
pointing in any direction saying "The shot came from here," or
anything like that?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; the first thing that happened, once I heard
the sound of what I thought was something, like a firecracker. I looked and saw
only his feet, and I rushed out. Everybody hit the ground, Mr. Congressman,
taking refuge, because they thought the place was being shot up, somebody was
shooting into the crowd, but this was immaterial to me, and I was concerned
about my friend, my buddy, so while they were on the ground they stayed there
until, you know, considerable time and, of course, the first person to get up to
where we were was the Rev. Billy Kyles, to whose home we were going for dinner.
He had come to be with us, to go with us.
Mr. DEVINE. But you heard no more than one shot or one
firecracker sound?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is right, only one. And then Rev. Andrew
Young was the second person who came up. Rev. Bernard Lee was the next person,
and then Rev. Jesse Jackson and Rev. Hosea Williams, and they began to pick out
where they thought the shot came from, and this is where the pointing -- you may
have seen a picture where they are standing pointing and I am down on the floor
with Dr. King.
Mr. DEVINE. Do you recall in which direction they were
pointing?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, I can't get the geography of
Memphis
. They were pointing away from the motel across the street.
Mr. DEVINE. Directly away from the balcony on which Dr. King
had been standing?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes.
Mr. DEVINE. And do you knew whether that direction happens to
be the roominghouse, that has since been publicized about this incident?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; that was the roominghouse.
Mr. DEVINE. Are you acquainted with the crime scene map that
rests here to your left against the wall? Can you identify any portion thereof?
[1]
Dr. ABERNATHY. No.
Mr. DEVINE. The blue in the middle being the swimming pool that
your balcony overlooked.
Dr. ABERNATHY. This is the first time I have seen that map.
Mr. DEVINE. Perhaps later we can identify it in more detail.
You said following Dr. King's speech, which was outstanding, about looking over
the mountain and so forth, that he came back and he said to the effect "Now
get me out of
Memphis
." Where were you going?
Dr. ABERNATHY. To
Atlanta
.
Mr. DEVINE. To
Atlanta
?
Dr. ABERNATHY. To our homes.
Mr. DEVINE. And you also said this: "I think he had
received some word from sources that he would be assassinated."
Now, on what do you base that thought, that assumption. You said, "I think
he had received some word from sources that he would be assassinated." That
is what you said directly in response to Mr. Mathew's questioning.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; I base it, Congressman, on his attitude. I
had just returned from a trip around the world and Dr. King became -- he was
altogether a different individual; he was troubled; he was worried; he was
nervous and very, very jittery. We went on a vacation down in
Acapulco
,
Mexico
, to get some rest before we started the organizing of the poor people's
campaign. He began to do what he had never did, and that was to pass on to me
certain information that he wanted me to have. He repreached the sermon that he
preached in his own church, "A Drum Major for Justice," where he
really talks about his death, his funeral, and said if anybody is around, I
don't want a long funeral, don't mention the fact that I hold a Ph. D. degree,
and some 18 or 20 other doctorate degrees, don't mention the fact that I hold a
Nobel Peace Prize, just say that I tried to help somebody, I wanted to be a drum
major for justice and equality. He preached that sermon to me. We were in
Acapulco
for rest and relaxation and there was no rest or relaxation. He, was troubled
and worried.
And at that point I would say he was frightened, and it is on this basis --
Mr. DEVINE. You came to this conclusion on the basis of Dr.
King's attitude and conduct rather than anything that he said to you about any
specific source threatening to assassinate him; is that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is correct, he didn't say anything.
Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The gentleman from
North Carolina
, Mr. Preyer.
Mr. PREYER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Dr. Abernathy, your testimony and Mr. Blakey's review of the civil rights
history, I think, has given very dramatic evidence of the accomplishments of Dr.
King and his close associates like yourself. Also I think it gives some meaning
to the plaque that is on the Lorraine Motel now. The members of the committee
went down to view room 306 at the Lorraine Motel, in which you and Dr. King were
staying. As you know, now it is a memorial. Incidentally, it was news to me that
it is also a memorial to the widow of the owner of the Lorraine Motel, whose
first name was
Lorraine
, and who died that night of a cerebral hemorrhage, apparently because of great
concern over this. That plaque that is now outside the room is from the Book of
Genesis, and I will probably quote it wrong, but you or Reverend Fauntroy can
correct me. But it, of course, deals with Joseph being sold into
Egypt
by his brothers, and it says "Behold the dreamer cometh. Let us kill the
dreamer and we shall see what happens to his dreams."
Do you feel the assassination of Dr. King was an effort to kill the dream, that
is, was it a political assassination to kill him for his ideas, or do you feel
it was the act of an unbalanced individual who was seeking to assert his own
self-importance by killing an important man?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Mr. Congressman, I am very happy to answer that
question because, first, I chose the scripture and I placed the plaque there,
"Behold, here cometh the dreamer, come now, let us slay him and we shall
cast him into a pit and we shall say that some wild beast has devoured him, and
then we shall see what will become of his dreams."
I believe very firmly that the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was
a political assassination. I believe that it was a conspiracy. I believe that he
was assassinated in an attempt to kill the dream, the American dream, the
fulfilling of that dream, for all peoples, Black and white, young and old, rich
and poor, brown, yellow, and red.
Mr. PREYER. That is one of the missions of this committee, to
attempt to answer that question and get to the bottom of that. I believe you
have already outlined the reasons why you feel that way with Mr. Devine, the
troubled attitude of Dr. King, the surrounding circumstances, but that so far
you do not have other direct evidence tending to show that.
Dr. ABERNATHY. That is correct, I do not have any direct
evidence that anyone spoke with him or said that he was going to be
assassinated. All I know is that when I returned in January of 1968 from a peace
mission around the world, that Dr. King was a completely different individual,
he was a troubled man, and I believe that somebody bad conveyed certain
information to him. He already had written into the SCLC constitution that I
would succeed him, but then he began to share certain things with me. For
instance, in his last executive staff meeting when Representative Hosea
Williams, now Representative Hosea Williams, wanted to employ three or four of
the Invaders on our staff, he turned to me and said, "Ralph, under no
circumstances and at no time in the history of this SCLC must there be anyone
who will use violence as a technique, as a strategy, or even as a tactic, to
gain any rights for Black or for poor American people." He said, "I am
charging you and holding you responsible."
I thought then that he was saying it because I was treasurer of the organization
as well as the vice president and signed the checks. I didn't know he was saying
it because very soon I would be the president of the organization and I would be
in charge of hiring everyone.
Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair recognizes the distinguished chairman of the King Subcommittee, the
gentleman from the
District of Columbia
, Mr. Fauntroy.
Mr. FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like Dr. Abernathy, to express my appreciation of the committee and the
American people for your very moving testimony before us today.
Dr. Abernathy, you have indicated that while you, too, noted Dr. King was a very
troubled man toward the end of his life, and while you have given us a number of
indications that he had a premonition about his own death, you have candidly
reported that you do not know of any specific threat that he received or that he
mentioned to you.
You have speculated that the bit of depression or the depression that he was in
was perhaps due, among other things, to the harassment of which he was almost
daily aware from the FBI.
I wonder if you would care to comment to the committee on why you think the FBI
harassed Dr. King in ways that you knew then and ways that we have all come to
know far better since.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you very kindly, Mr. Fauntroy. The
harassment of Dr. King, from the FBI, not only Dr. King, but so many of us
associated with him, began even as early as Montgomery, Ala., back in 1955 when
our telephones were tapped and we knew they were tapped and our homes were
bugged and we knew that our homes were bugged because we would hear strange
noises and sounds and information was getting out and we learned to live with it
because anything we wanted to say, we always spoke in codes or we would go use a
pay telephone and would never use the same pay phone.
I can only attribute it to the fact that the Kerner Commission revealed and it
was imminent that we just live in a racist country and there are people in this
country who do not want Blacks and browns and yellows, and other minorities,
especially the poor, to enjoy the blessings of this land and, unfortunately, an
agency of our Federal Government that we always looked to as our friends was
certainly, in my estimation and my belief, an enemy because we were seeking to
bring about change, and change is very difficult for many people. And, of
course, Black people were tired and I never before in the history of this
country has there been one national voice that was respected by the vast
majority of the masses of the people and the masses of the people were moving
and following the leadership of Dr. King. I think there were those, including
the FBI, who felt that they ought to discredit and to render ineffective Martin
Luther King, Jr.
Mr. FAUNTROY. You mentioned also in connection with the march
that several of the young men who were responsible for the violence would come
in and out of the crowd and pat you on the back and congratulate you for having
come, and then go and commit acts of violence; is that true?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That's correct.
Mr. FAUNTROY. What reason did you think motivated them to do
that? You reflected upon this obviously afterwards. Why did you think that they
would deliberately deceive you about their support of nonviolence and of Dr.
King while, at the same time, turning around and doing what they knew would be
destructive of his purposes?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, later, we discovered that some of these
young men were being paid by the FBI as informers and to bring about violence
which would discredit SCLC and its leadership and Dr. King.
We also discovered from the young men, themselves, demands of SCLC. They wanted
gifts in terms of money, they wanted cars, they had their own cause that they
wanted to promote, calls of racism, separatism and, of course, SCLC has been as
much against Black separatism as we are against white separatism.
We want the beloved community, the integrated society.
Mr. FAUNTROY. Mr. Chairman, I would like unanimous consent for
2 additional minutes.
Chairman STOKES. Without objection.
Mr. FAUNTROY. Dr. Abernathy, is it your testimony that before
Dr. King died, he was aware that members of the Invaders were, in fact, FBI
informants?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; he was aware of that. As I stated, they
came the next morning in the cloak of righteousness to confess their sins, but
later, they came to make demands. Of course, he did receive the knowledge that
they were FBI informants.
Mr. FAUNTROY. Do you recall any specific-strike that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think that is all the questions I have at this time.
Chairman STOKES. In recognizing the next member, I would like
the record to reflect the Chair's recognition and commendation of this gentleman
for what the Chair knows to have been an enormously dedicated member of the King
subcommittee, one who has expended many, many hours of hard, dedicated work on
behalf of that subcommittee; the gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. McKinney.
Mr. McKINNEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is an honor to
welcome you here, Dr. Abernathy.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you, Mr. McKinney.
Mr. McKINNEY. How concerned were you and Dr. King about the
Invaders and the possibility of their destroying your reputation for
nonviolence?
Dr. ABERNATHY. We were greatly concerned about it, greatly
concerned, because never before bad we confronted a group that were paid
informers for the FBI that we were knowledgeable of and a group that made such
heavy demands of SCLC.
We did not have money to even finance our own campaign, and we were getting
ready to launch the largest campaign that ever had taken place within this
country, the poor people's campaign and we just didn't have the money, and we
were concerned, greatly concerned about our image as a nonviolent organization.
Mr. McKINNEY. Did you, at any time, or Dr. King at any time,
discuss the fact that the Invaders might pose a potential threat to Dr. King's
own safety?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; we were aware of that and we discussed
it, and this is why we insisted that Dr. King not see them any more, but that
Hosea Williams and Andrew Young and Jim Bevel, and some other persons from our
staff would have dealings with them, but they became violent with Ambassador
Young.
They -- I don't guess I should say ambassador, he wasn't ambassador then -- but
they became violent with him and he had to be rescued as they were seeking to
get money from us.
And we had never encountered a group like this group before. May I hasten to add
that they were young men, they were intelligent looking men, they were clean-cut
men, they were not a lot of bearded men, anything of that nature, but they were
very impressive young men and we had great hopes for them and for all the youth
of
America
.
And yet, it was just disturbing, once we knew that they were trying to destroy
the image of Dr. King, that they were playing right into the hands of the enemy.
Mr. McKINNEY. Were you aware on the night you checked into the
Lorraine
that the Invaders had a room in the
Lorraine
that evening, too?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; we were not.
Mr. McKINNEY. Would that have concerned you?
Dr. ABERNATHY. It certainly would have.
Mr. McKINNEY. When and how did you find out that the Invaders
were receiving help from outside sources?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, I met the Invaders first on the morning
after the march where the violence took place, and when we first found out that
they were receiving aid and assistance from the FBI, that came later the
following week when we returned to
Memphis
. We returned to
Memphis
on the third, and this is what, when we got there, we were told by our
intelligence department, by our staff.
Mr. McKINNEY. Did you feel at any time that perhaps the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference might have been infiltrated by any
Government agency or by any other group such as the Invaders?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; I never did, Congressman. I find it
difficult to believe now. Naturally, I know poor people, well, people period.
The first law of nature is human survival. I know people have to survive one way
or the other and poor people who are hungry might receive some money. If someone
pressed $500 in your hand, I guess, who would want to know where Reverend
Abernathy is today, in
Atlanta
, a poor person whose house note is due and car note is due, he might just tell
them he is testifying before the House Select Committee on Assassinations in
Washington
and move on, something like that.
To say that someone was actually cooperating, that they had infiltrated the
ranks of SCLC, I did not believe that and find it very, very difficult today. I
would like to know just for my own knowledge, because I was always referred to
as the pastor of that staff, and I love each one of them even today wherever
they are, and I would just like to know, but I can't get this committee to tell
me anything.
Mr. McKINNEY. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent I have 2
additional minutes.
Chairman STOKES. Without objection, the gentleman is
recognized.
Mr. McKINNEY. Moving on from the Invaders, you state that you
were well aware of the fact that Dr. King's phone messages and home were bugged
and you were also well aware of the fact that people would follow you on
airplanes, so on and so forth.
Do you think your rooms at the
Lorraine
were bugged?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, at that time, we did not think that. We
though we were safe and secure at the
Lorraine
.
Mr. McKINNEY. I have a problem in that we have become aware, as
you were aware, of the tremendous amount of surveillance that Dr. King was under
almost constantly. Yet, do you have any recollection or knowledge of when the
FBI first got to the Lorraine Motel after his death?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, it was within minutes, within minutes.
Mr. McKINNEY. Do you find it a little difficult to reconcile
this tremendous surveillance effort with the fact there were seemingly no FBI
personnel in the
Lorraine
or in the immediate vicinity?
Dr. ABERNATHY. I find it difficult because, No. 1, Reverend
Kyles, upon my request, could not get an ambulance. An ambulance was never
called by our staff and yet, within a 5-minute period, less than 5 minutes, an
ambulance was there and the place was just cluttered with police.
I don't know why this committee has not investigated that airplane in
Atlanta
. I want to know more about that, but maybe they have, I don't know. They don't
tell you but so much.
Mr. McKINNEY. We are headed there, Doctor, rest assured.
I want to thank you for your answers.
Chairman STOKES. The Chair is pleased, now, to recognize the
distinguished member of the Kennedy subcommittee, another dedicated member of
this committee, the distinguished gentlewoman from
California
, Mrs. Burke.
Mrs. BURKE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and I join my
colleagues in welcoming Dr. Abernathy.
Your statement certainly has been very moving. I notice that you refer to the
period of about 4 o'clock when Dr. King called you and asked you to come to his
brother's room. His brother was there. Now, some 2 hours elapsed during that
time, and could you tell us if there were other people who came and who left,
and were there other phone calls that were received during that period of time?
Dr. ABERNATHY. If I may, Mr. Chairman, tell you how delighted I
am to answer the questions of this minority personnel on this committee. I am
glad at least one woman is on this panel today because. I fight for the rights
of the women as well as all minorities.
Chairman STOKES. I am glad to have her on here, too, Dr.
Abernathy.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you. Now what happened was, I went down to
his room and we had a long chat with A.D., and some other persons, and then he
knew he had to shave and, of course, shaving was a real problem, you know, for
Dr. King. He used this powder that put off a terrible odor and finally, I guess,
after having stayed down there about an hour, then we went back to the room to
get dressed and to go to his shaving ceremonies and the time -- then I revealed
to him, as I already testified, that I couldn't go to Washington on those dates.
I didn't want to say it in front of the whole staff because I didn't want to
disrupt the program in any way, but I wanted him to know, and then he had to
convince me that I should go. We talked about several preachers who could do the
revival, including Reverend Fauntroy, and finally we called Rev. Nutrell Long in
New Orleans
and now he is dead.
We couldn't get him on the telephone. Finally, he turned to me and lectured me
about what I should do about the West Hunter Street Church and what I should
tell the West Hunter Street Baptist Church, and with the dressing and the
shaving and the talking on the telephone, there were no other telephone calls
that were made other than down in the room I called Mrs. Kyles to find out what
kind of menu we had for dinner.
Mrs. BURKE. When you arrived, though, at his brother's room,
you said there were some other people there. Who was there? Was the staff there
at that point?
Dr. ABERNATHY. There were some friends. I don't believe that
they were staff persons. They were friends who had come along with Rev. King, A.
D. King.
Mrs. BURKE. Were they staying at the Lorraine Motel?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes.
Mrs. BURKE. How many friends were there?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Two.
Mrs. BURKE. Let me just pursue one other question.
You indicated when asked that you were surprised that there had ever been
infiltrating through the ranks of the Invaders. At any time, did you discuss
with Dr. King whether or not there might be actual infiltrating of the staff or
of SCLC?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes. We discussed that. You know, once we would
have a movement, sometimes our staff would go as high as 300 persons and
especially during our voter registration crusade, our program known as SCOPE, we
had a lot of white students who come from the North and we could not know them
all on a personal basis.
We may have had as many as 500 persons and there was some concern as to whether
some of these people might be FBI informers or, nonetheless, what we were doing
we thought, but we knew it was right and eventually that staff would dwindle and
we would get down to the normal 45 or 50 persons that we knew on a personal
basis, and we had no questions about Rev. James Orange and a Mr. Lester
Hankerson, Mrs. Dorothy Cotton, and persons of that stature.
We just didn't feel that they were cooperating with the FBI at all. But I will
admit that sometimes strange faces coming from
Wisconsin
, and various other places, saying we want to join your voter registration drive
and we will work for nothing, just let us register voters for you, there were
some questions in our minds as to whether they could be trusted all the way.
Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentlewoman has expired. The
Chair now recognizes another member of the Kennedy subcommittee, the
distinguished gentleman from
Connecticut
, Mr. Dodd.
Mr. DODD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Dr. Abernathy, I join, certainly, with my colleagues today in welcoming you to
the committee. We appreciate your testimony.
I have really just two questions I would like to ask you, if I could. The first
has to do with the fact that, according to your statement and testimony, you
went back into the room at the time Dr. King was standing on the balcony when
you heard what sounded like a firecracker. You then returned to the porch and
from that moment on, you were with him until the pronouncement of his death; is
that correct?
Dr. ABERNATHY. That's correct.
Mr. DODD. At any time at all, during the time that you were
with him from the moments or seconds after impact, until the pronouncement of
his death, did Dr. King say anything whatsoever?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; he did not utter any words at all. He
attempted, his mouth quivered only once, but he did look me dead in the eyes and
I got a message from his eyes, but there were no words uttered at all.
Mr. DODD. I wonder if you might go back and explain how it was
on the second occasions that you decided to stay at the Lorraine Motel? If I
understood your testimony correctly, the week before, you had decided to stay at
the Holiday Inn because of the difficulty in getting to the Peabody Hotel and
the Lorraine Motel.
When you came back to
Memphis
again, whose decision was it to go to the Lorraine Hotel?
Dr. ABERNATHY. It was a unanimous decision led by Dr. King. We
would always stay where we felt welcome, and we didn't feel welcome at the
Peabody
or at the Riverdale.
Mr. MATHEWS. Rivermont.
Dr. ABERNATHY. We just felt a part of the
Lorraine
. It is a Black motel and, of course, they had a lot of catfish there, and Dr.
King and I loved catfish and they were not strict, so far as room service is
concerned. When you get to the big institutionalized hotels and they say they
close at 9 o'clock, that's 9 o'clock. So, we arrived at 11 o'clock; Mr. Bailey,
the owner of the Lorraine Motel, would prepare us some catfish and we enjoyed
that, and we always stayed in that room 306. This was the King-Abernathy suite.
Mr. DODD. Was that a well-known fact?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; Mr. Bailey knew not to put anybody else
there. If he knew we were coming in, he moved them, and he put them up there
only if they were full.
Mr. DODD. You anticipated my third and final question to you.
That is, with regard to the rooms, themselves, there has been some speculation
or an allegation that because of a confusion there you were not staying in that
room the night before but someone else had been staying in there.
Was there any confusion as to who was staying in what room, whether in 306 or
the adjoining room immediately next to that particular room? Was there any
confusion over who was staying in what room?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; there was. Upon our arrival, if my memory
serves me correctly, someone else was in the room and, of course, we stayed in
an adjoining room and, of course, the next day they were moved out and we were
put in our usual room.
Mr. DODD. Was it somebody that you knew, was it a member of the
staff?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No, no; it wasn't anyone from the staff.
Mr. DODD. And you don't know to this day who those people were
that were staying in that room the night before?
Dr. ABERNATHY. I don't recall.
Mr. DODD. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair
recognizes another member of the Kennedy subcommittee, the distinguished
gentleman from
Michigan
, Mr. Sawyer.
Mr. SAWYER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I, too, join in
welcoming you here today, Dr. Abernathy.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you.
Mr. SAWYER. I certainly am sympathetic with all your problems
on behalf of minorities since I have come down here as a Republican. You notice
they even had me segregated here on the dais.
I am interested in your comment as to the behavior of Dr. King and some of his
conversations with you that led you to believe that or form an opinion that he
may have been advised of a specific threat. Had he ever told you of other
specific threats before?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Oh, yes; he told me of some, and especially the
airplane flight, once the pilot announced why we had waited so long in
Atlanta
. He turned to me, you know, with a laugh, and said, "Oh, Ralph, isn't this
ridiculous. If they are going to kill me, why would he say it like that?"
And we had a big laugh about it, and he had talked about some other threats,
certainly.
Mr. SAWYER. What I am getting at, isn't it perhaps possible or
an equally plausible explanation for his kind of behavior, and perhaps somewhat
of a mild preoccupation with what may be impending disaster, that he was leading
what amounted to a revolutionary movement albeit a peaceful revolutionary
movement; he was getting a higher and higher profile nationally, and his
movement was gaining more and more success, and that recognizing those factors
he may have become more conscious of the fact that he was becoming more and more
of a target of whatever kind of people do this kind of thing as opposed to it
being a specific threat?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, that is a possibility but I can't see how
over a month's period all of this restlessness comes about.
For instance, in Acapulco, where we went for a rest, I awakened one night, about
3 o'clock in the morning, and, of course, I discovered that there was no Dr.
King in the room and I was terribly frightened and I went out in the living area
looking for him, and there was no Dr. King, and I didn't know what to do or
where to turn, whether to call for hotel security, and finally it came to me to
look out on the balcony protruding in the Pacific Ocean, and there stood Dr.
King gazing into the Pacific Ocean, and I said, "Martin, tell me what are
you doing out here, this time of night and what is it that is troubling you,
what is bothering you?" And be said, "You see that rock out
there," and I said, "Oh. sure, I see it," and he said, "How
long do you think it's been there?" And I said, "I don't know, I guess
centuries and centuries. I guess God put it there." And be said,
"Well, what am I thinking about," and I said, "I really don't
know, tell me, because I want to know why would you leave this room without
telling me," and he said, "Well, you can't tell me what I am thinking
about looking at that rock," and I said, "No," and he started
singing, "Rock of Ages, cleft for me; let me bide myself in thee," and
just the repeated sermons and statements, and preparing me to know all about
SCLC and the things he wanted me to do, whereas you know prior to that, in
December of 1967, he wasn't talking like that. We were going to
Washington
. We were going to Washington for broke to conduct the poor people's campaign
but now there is a kind of a, well, he is a different person and he is greatly
troubled, and I just from my own conclusion, as I look back in retrospect, and
in fact Ambassador Young, this was the first thing he asked me: He said,
"Dr. Abernathy, I know that Dr. King would tell you anything." He said
once we got back to the room, from the mall, he said, "I want to know, tell
me, was FBI bothering him, had they called him and told him anything?" And
I had to answer, of course, "No." But this is just my belief. I cannot
support it other than express my belief.
Mr. SAWYER. Thank you.
Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair
would like the record to reflect the fact that the next two members of this full
committee to be called upon have expended an enormous amount of time in terms of
the King subcommittee, and the Chair is grateful to you for that amount of time,
and I know the subcommittee chairman, Mr. Fauntroy, is, because we are both
aware of the number of hours that you have expended in terms of the work product
now coming forth from this full committee, and the Chair is pleased at this time
to recognize the first of those two gentlemen, Mr. Fithian, the gentleman from
Indiana.
Mr. FITHIAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I join my colleagues, Dr. Abernathy, in welcoming you here and thank you
personally for your cooperation with this committee in our long session before
and throughout the committee's investigation.
If I interpret your testimony correctly, you said that you think the
assassination and killing of Dr. Martin Luther King was a political killing, as
a result of a conspiracy, in the attempt to kill a man's dream, and by killing
that dream, to kill the dream and the hopes of those who were disenfranchised,
or poor or Black, those who could secure neither civil nor political rights, nor
economic opportunity.
I want to ask you, Dr. Abernathy, if the killing is the work of a racist, would
that fulfill your definition of a political killing, a conspiracy to kill a
man's dream?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, it would really depend upon whether the
racist was paid and the circumstances surrounding it.
I had a letter about 2 weeks ago, less than that, from James Earl Ray, in which
he assured me that he did not kill Dr. King and had asked my help in trying to
get a new trial for him. I have written to him and informed him that I certainly
think that he should have a new trial pending the outcome of this hearing, but I
don't think that anything ought to happen until this hearing is finished,
because I don't know what might come out of the hearing. But I feel that it was
totally impossible for James Earl Ray or for any person who may have pulled the
trigger, to have gotten out of Memphis and a false alarm
goes out where the police are concerned, to get to Birmingham and park a car or
pick up a car and then get to Canada and then go across the Atlantic and then
sustain himself for a period of time without any help or assistance from
somewhere.
Mr. FITHIAN. I understand that. I just wanted to get you to
comment specifically as to whether or not, setting all personalities aside, a
racist killing, that is a killing that was racially motivated, would qualify for
your definition or your belief that this was a political assassination?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No, no; not a racist killing by itself.
Mr. FITHIAN. Just a racist killing would not be a political
killing by your definition?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; not by my definition.
Mr. FITHIAN. The second question I wanted to raise has to do
with what many people, writers, historians, and others deal with in studying and
analyzing the movement itself. Many believe that toward the end of Dr. Martin
Luther King's life that the real leadership thrust of the Black rights movements
was beginning to slip away to others, to those who could not subscribe to
nonviolence, to those who believed that nonviolence had run its course and not,
at least not completely succeeded. I am wondering if you would care to speculate
as to whether or not the awareness of that on the part of Dr. King, down toward
the end of his life, the awareness that others would no longer subscribe to
nonviolence, were beginning to grasp part of the action, might that have caused
the disturbed and restless outlook of Dr. King?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, certainly Dr. King realized this and
expressed it to me in
Memphis
on the day that the violence broke out. That night he said:
Ralph,
it may be that those of us who adhere to nonviolence should just step aside and
let the violent forces run their course, which will be very temporary and would
be very brief, because you can't conduct a violent campaign in this country.
I guess, Congressman, you have never been maced or tear gassed, but there isn't
anything violent that you can do in this country that will last any more than 3
or 4 days if they want to get you.
Mr. FITHIAN. Was this the first time that Dr. King had ever
indicated that he personally would tolerate violence, but that he might sort of
yield up to a temporary interruption of the nonviolent thrust of the movement?
Dr. ABERNATHY. It was the first and only time that he expressed
it to me, not that he would give up, but that we would just step aside and let
the violent forces run their brief course.
Mr. FITHIAN. I have some other very specific questions about
the scene right after the shot.
Chairman STOKES. The gentleman's time has expired. Is the
gentleman seeking additional time?
Mr. FITHIAN. May I have 2 additional minutes?
Chairman STOKES. Without objection, the gentleman is recognized
2 additional minutes.
Mr. FITHIAN. When you came out of the room, did you see police
in the courtyard at that time?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; I did not, because everybody was down on the
ground when I came in.
Mr. FITHIAN. In any of the adjacent areas, did you see any
evidence of police, squad cars, or any evidence that the police were on the
scene?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Not at that time. My major concern was Martin
Luther King who lay on the balcony. This was my concern, and the other people
were down on the ground--
Mr. FITHIAN. I understand.
Dr. ABERNATHY [continuing]. In the courtyard.
Mr. FITHIAN. To back up just a bit, when you arrived at the
airport, on that last trip to
Memphis
, were there Memphis PD members on hand at the airport?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Yes; if I recall correctly, the same two Black
policemen, Black detectives, met us.
Mr. FITHIAN. And were there any FBI agents on hand that you
recognized?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Not to my knowledge, I never, I didn't know of
any.
Mr. FITHIAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman STOKES. The gentleman from
Pennsylvania
, Mr. Edgar.
Mr. EDGAR. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Dr. Abernathy, it is a pleasure to have you before our committee today, even
under a difficult circumstance of recollecting what took place those very few
moments after you heard the firecracker on the balcony.
Before I begin my questioning, I would like to congratulate you for your
response to James Earl Ray's letter. It seems to me that that showed some
judgment on your part to suggest that this committee in its work over the last
18 months should be at least looked at prior to the decision being made as to
whether James Earl Ray receives a trial.
Dr. Abernathy, I would like to pick up on the questioning that Mr. Fithian was
dealing with. You described for us very carefully what you did after you heard
the firecracker sound and saw Dr. King's feet and went out onto the balcony. I
wonder if you could describe for us the first time that you recognized that, a
police officer was in the vicinity of the assassination.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, the first time that I actually recognized,
and I would not be the best judge of it because we have to understand when your
dearest friend and closest associate is laying on the balcony, unable to speak,
and your next best friend, Ambassador Young, has come up and said, "Oh,
God, Ralph, it is over," you know, I am not looking for police, I am trying
to give aid and comfort and trying to save his life. So first I attempted to get
an ambulance and then the first time I saw police, that is, if you don't call
the people from the community relations service police, was when the ambulance
came, which was about 5 minutes, and we began to put him on the stretcher; and,
of course, the police were there at that point and they were directing and
serving as a motorcade, not a motorcade, but motorcycle cop preceded the
ambulance to the St. Joseph Hospital.
Mr. EDGAR. Dr. Abernathy, after you were certain that Dr. King
was dead, and that there was nothing further that you could do either at the
hospital or at the morgue, did the police begin a period of questioning of you
about the circumstances surrounding the assassination?
Dr. ABERNATHY. No; I have never been questioned by the police.
The doctor in charge, once he had taken his last breath and he had examined him
and he told me that it was all over, he said he would only make one statement,
and that was the hour of his passing, and he would leave all of the other
statements to me. But as I went out I found out what time Mrs. King was due to
arrive, and I immediately had my car to take me to the airport, only I was being
paged upon arrival stating that Mrs. King would not arrive because the news had
arrived in Atlanta he had passed and she would not be coming. Then I asked the
driver to take me to the morgue. And when I arrived at the morgue, I guess there
were policemen there. They asked me to identify the body, and then they asked me
to sign an order that they might, perform an autopsy and, of course, then my
assignment was picking a burial suit and a casket, things of that nature,
because I knew the whole Nation and the press would be there the next morning,
and I went about those chores, but I don't think I have ever been questioned by
the police.
Mr. EDGAR. So it is your testimony that you have never been
questioned about the circumstances by the Memphis Police Department.
When did the, FBI question you about the circumstances surrounding the death?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, if my memory serves me correctly, unless
it can be refreshed, the FBI has never questioned me.
Mr. EDGAR. Thank you. Just one further question.
Chairman STOKES. The gentleman is recognized.
Mr. EDGAR. Dr. Abernathy, you described the depression of Dr.
King shortly after the violence that took place on March 28. You also described
the fact that the staff met to determine whether or not you should return to
Memphis
, and in the succeeding days the decision was made to return to
Memphis
and Dr. King came back.
Was there ever any event or action that took place between March 29, and the
return to
Memphis
that snapped Dr. King out of his depression?
Dr. ABERNATHY. Well, I think on that visit, something did
happen. I don't know exactly what it was. Saturday was a horrible day for him,
but the visit to Washington, where he preached at the Washington Cathedral -- he
was very much inspired by that visit, because the cathedral was packed, I
understand, and he was very pleased with his contribution; and when he returned
to Atlanta, he called me late in the afternoon on Tuesday and said, suggested
that we not go to Memphis until the following day. So I don't know exactly what
happened, but when we went back to
Memphis
he was in good spirits.
Mr. EDGAR. Thank you. I yield back my time.
Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired. Are
there other members of the committee who seek additional recognition?
Dr. Abernathy, under the rules of this committee any witness appearing before
the committee has 5 minutes at the conclusion of his testimony to expand or
amplify in any way he so desires on testimony he has given before the committee,
and you may avail yourself of that 5 minutes to express yourself in any
connection which you so desire. The Chair recognizes you.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you very kindly, Mr. Chairman.
As a Baptist preacher, can I with unanimous consent get an extension?
[Laughter.]
Chairman STOKES. Under the rules, we will expand the rules to
grant you an extension, if you so desire.
Dr. ABERNATHY. Thank you very kindly, Mr. Chairman Stokes. I
have had the pleasure of knowing you across the years, and I think that you have
represented not only the State of Ohio and the district within that great State
but our whole Nation with great distinction and with honor, and to all of the
members of this committee and to my dear friend and colleague, Rev. Del. Walter
Fauntroy, who heads up the subcommittee, I want you to know that I am more than
delighted to have the privilege and the opportunity to testify before this
committee. The special counsel, Mr. Charles Mathews, and members of this
investigative team, have been working with me now over a period of some 15 or 18
months, and believe me when I say that it is kind of difficult working with this
committee. They don't ever have any money. I have to pay all the bills. I have
to take them to dinner. But I would do it because I feel that the truth should
be, known concerning the tragic death and assassination of Martin Luther King,
Jr.
Each of you have made in your own way a marvelous and outstanding contribution.
I listened with great care as you, Mr. Chairman, talked about the long hours put
in by certain members of this committee, and I want to thank you for it. I want
to thank not you, Mr. Chairman, but them for their hours.
I happen to know that Congressman Ford from
Memphis
,
Tenn.
, a great friend of mine, has spent long hours, maybe even unaware by the
members of this committee, seeking to get to the real root and basis of the
assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. I think that we owe to the American
public, we owe it to our Nation, because Martin Luther King, Jr., was the most
peaceful warrior of the 20th century. He had a heart of love. He was a drum
major for justice and equality, and whomsoever slay the dreamer and sought to
destroy his dreams should be known to the American people. And I know that your
hours will be long and your task will be great, but I feel so very much that you
are equal to the task with a learned member of the grand old Republican Party,
along with the Democrats on this panel. I feel that you will get to the truth of
this. Unborn generations await your decisions. The youth of
America
wants to know. You are our representatives. We pay you a fairly decent salary
in order that you may represent us and go the places that we cannot go, and find
out the questions, and raise the questions, and find out the answers that we,
cannot ask; and I just want to lay on your mind and on your heart the fact that
the challenge and the responsibility is yours, and if ever in any little way
that I can be of any service to you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Subcommittee Chairman,
and to any members of this committee, in sharing information, or aid you in any
way, please feel free to call upon me, because I want to make my contribution.
This was my dearest friend and nights have been long since he went away, and I
know that Rock of Ages that be spoke about can be cleft for all of us, but I
know we live in a great country, the greatest country on the face of the earth,
the most powerful Nation, and we must not permit people to be cut down, whether
by racists or because of a political act, simply because they espouse a
philosophy or an idea that we do not agree with.
America
is beautiful because we are a country made up of so many different colors. I
need not remind you all that the Nation is eagerly looking this week to hear
what you have to say. They want to know. They want answers. They are depending
upon you, and may God bless you in your undertakings, and may God bless you in
your pursuits, and may His peace forever rest upon you and may you be supplied
with the wisdom and the courage to find nothing but the truth, the whole truth,
so help you God. I give to each of you my richest benediction, in the name of
the Father, of the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Amen.
Chairman STOKES. Thank you very much, Dr. Abernathy.
Does the subcommittee chairman, Mr. Fauntroy, have any response for the benefit
of the members? The second bells have just rung.
Mr. FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think it would be
anticlimatic to say anything at this point, and I would move that we adjourn
this session and reconvene at 9 a.m. tomorrow morning to continue the public
hearings.
Chairman STOKES. Dr. Abernathy, on behalf of the committee, let
us once again thank you for the service you have here rendered today, not only
to this committee but the U.S. Congress and to this Nation. It is a redeeming
feeling to know that you carry on the dream of your great friend and our great
leader, Dr. Martin Luther King. We thank you again for coming, and this meeting
is now adjourned until 9 a.m. tomorrow morning.
[Whereupon, at 12:08 p.m., the committee was recessed until Tuesday, August
15, 1978, at 9 a.m.]
Next:
Dr. Baden presents medical evidence.
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